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Breast cancer screening has been going on for many years now, and research suggests that most women in the community feel positive about screening as a way to reassure them that they are well or to find early signs of cancer that can then be treated. Women have been told a lot about the potential benefits of screening, such as helping some women to avoid dying from breast cancer. But more recently, experts have gained a better understanding of the potential downsides of screening. In particular, some of the women who go for breast screening will be diagnosed and treated for a cancer that would never have caused them any trouble if it were not found through screening. This is called overdiagnosis (or overdetection).
Putting together the research about the chances of benefit and harm from screening, experts have moved toward the view that women in the community should be given the opportunity to consider the important information about screening for themselves and make up their own minds about whether it seems worthwhile. The final decision is likely to vary from woman to woman, as it depends on how she personally weighs up the pros and cons. This idea—that people should have a say in what is the best healthcare for them—fits with a broad approach called shared decision making, which is about encouraging people to be involved in health decisions together with their doctor. In many countries, women are offered breast screening directly through an organized program so they do not necessarily discuss it with a doctor. Therefore, we often use the terms informed decision making and informed choice, rather than shared decision making, in this context. Regardless of the term or setting, a key feature of these approaches is making sure women are aware of important things that could happen if they choose to screen or not screen.
Decision aids are tools designed to support people in getting the best information and deciding what is the best thing to do in a particular situation—for example, deciding whether to screen. In this chapter, we discuss research on decision aids and other ways of informing women about screening and finding out their thoughts and feelings toward it. We also discuss the challenges involved in moving to an informed choice approach. More work is needed to figure out the best ways of achieving good-quality, informed decision making for women who are considering breast screening.
Cancer screening leads to a complex array of potential consequences for participants. Quantitative estimates of the outcomes of breast screening are outlined elsewhere in this book, so in this chapter we focus on informed and shared decision making. Policy makers face a difficult task in weighing the value of different screening outcomes and judging whether the benefits outweigh the harms. It has been argued that the balance between benefits and harms in breast cancer screening may be considered a close call on which reasonable individuals may vary in their choices. These judgements are at least partly driven by the values of the people making the decisions. The fact that the values of policy makers may not accord with those of individuals who are subsequently offered screening underscores the need for balanced, evidence-based information to be presented to members of the public to enable them to participate in screening decisions. A woman’s choice to attend screening or not should be determined by how she values the small possibility of a large clinical benefit (ie, extension of life) compared with the higher probability of undesirable events such as unnecessary investigations and overtreatment. After all, the woman who undergoes screening must live with the decision and its repercussions.
Achievement of informed decision making in mammography screening faces several challenges, not least for women themselves. There are widely held positive attitudes and often uncritical support for mammography and screening generally. A landmark 2002 survey that documented widespread public enthusiasm for cancer screening in the United States, with 87% of respondents considering routine cancer screening “almost always a good idea,” was partially repeated in a large British sample in 2012 with very similar results. Also, a 2013 systematic review of patient or public expectations of the benefits and harms of medical interventions found that participants tended to overestimate benefits and underestimate harms of a broad range of treatments and tests including breast cancer screening.
Studies employing qualitative methods such as interviews and focus groups have been useful in eliciting women’s reasoning about different aspects of screening and their own participation. Table 16.1 provides examples of women’s attitudes to mammography using selected quotations from research participants. Though there may be cultural influences on screening attitudes, many beliefs recur across socioeconomic and cultural boundaries.
Theme | Example Statement About Breast Screening | Reference |
---|---|---|
Enthusiasm for testing | I feel that it is very important whether you are 30 or… 80 [that] you have any tests that you can. | Schonberg |
I do know that an intelligent person needs the tests routinely, just to make sure everything is cool. | Denberg | |
Faith in sensitive technology | Once you have the mammography you think “well, they’ve checked it now, that’s that done”… so you know there’s nothing there. | Griffiths |
Machines that are cleverer than you are looking at you every three years which is a reassurance really. | Griffiths | |
Value of reassurance | I feel happy having a mammogram, seeing some kind of in depth look at you, to see if you’re all right | Griffiths |
[The] greatest benefit is learning you don’t have cancer. | Denberg | |
I feel good when I receive that letter and all is well. Then I feel safe. | Solbjor | |
Attitudes to risk | If someone objected to having it done, why they’re taking their own life in their hands I guess. | Silverman |
Even if statistical risk (of getting breast cancer) is low I still want screening, there is still a chance. | Davey | |
Trust vs skepticism | I just have a trust that the NHS wouldn’t haul us all out if statistically there wasn’t some evidence that, by and large, some people get saved, you know, and that not many people get disadvantaged. | Waller |
If my doctor told me not to have a mammogram, I would think something is wrong with her. | Allen | |
Accepting without question | I just think, something that you’ve got to have done. They send the letter through the door, up to you to just go. I don’t necessarily think about it. | Griffiths |
Yes I’ve always been and it doesn’t worry me. At a certain age, you get a letter from the doctor to attend that sort of thing. I don’t really read about it all. | Griffiths | |
Anxiety about results | But of course, when you receive that letter you’re a bit tense anyway about what it’ll tell… Before you open the envelope, you feel a sting, like. | Solbjor |
Is it or isn’t it, do I have this? … The recalls are traumatic… I try not to worry about it, but I still do. | Greco | |
Critical views on testing | Personally I am of the opinion that you shouldn’t cross your bridges until you come to them. | Osterlie |
If it’s the case that you don’t feel anything from it, then you should let sleeping dogs lie. | Lagerlund |
As Table 16.1 shows, taking the opportunity for early detection through breast screening is perceived as a way of minimizing potential regret, whereas failure to be screened puts one at risk of a preventable death. Women acknowledge some anxiety about going for screening mammograms, awaiting their results, and having the follow-up tests that false-positive results entail. Some are concerned about the possibility of false-negative results, but many women express strong confidence in the sensitivity of mammography and emphasize the sense of reassurance gained from receiving the “all clear” ( Table 16.1 ). The reassurance of being cancer-free that a normal mammogram result provides may be a key motivator for women to undergo screening, but this reassurance is sometimes false. Moreover, publicity about screening may be partly responsible for raising breast cancer anxiety in the first place, making it questionable whether anxiety reduction can legitimately be considered a benefit of screening.
The public perception of mammography as undeniably valuable is partly due to the persuasive impact of decades of screening promotion campaigns by the health sector. Public health campaigns and messages about cancer screening over many decades have largely reflected a positive view of screening widely held among public health organizations, professional associations, patient advocacy groups, academics, and clinicians. The main approach has been to deploy powerfully persuasive communication tools to convince individuals to screen, with the overall goal of maximizing screening uptake in the population. A standard “recipe” for such communication has been described as follows: induce feelings of fear and vulnerability, then offer hope by framing screening as a simple way to protect oneself. Also consistent with this screening communication approach is presenting “a lopsided view” with an emphasis on (often exaggerated) benefits and minimization of harms. Such communications have created strongly positive views of screening in the community, which in turn feed normative expectations that screening is the “right” thing to do.
This simplistic positive messaging has increasingly come under criticism in recent years. Several international reviews have pointed out that information materials produced and distributed by breast screening services and other relevant groups have overestimated benefits and underplayed harms. The direct communications women receive about breast screening, as described above, occur within a broader context of media stories about medical testing that frequently overlook harms. The heated debates that occur among researchers and health professionals do not necessarily filter through into the public sphere. It is therefore unsurprising that women in screened societies find the idea of scientific uncertainty about breast screening difficult to accept, and are skeptical about attempts to raise awareness of controversies. Nevertheless, research suggests that many women do desire better information. In a Swiss survey, 89% of respondents wanted information on limits of mammography screening and 82% wanted to know reasons why some people oppose screening.
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