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In the United States, the rate of incarceration has skyrocketed over the last 50 years, ignited by the “Tough on Crime” as well as the “War on Drugs” political pushes of the 1970s and disproportionately affecting people of color and people with mental health illnesses. The lifetime likelihood of incarceration for black men in the United States is 1 in 3, compared 1 in 17 for white men (Bonczar, 2013). Of the 2.2 million people incarcerated in the United States at any given time, over half have been diagnosed with a substance use disorder, with or without a serious mental illness. 12% of jail inmates report using opioids regularly, more than six times higher than the general population [ , ].
The specifics of mass incarceration based on location, medical care, and jurisdiction should also be highlighted. 1.2 million sentenced individuals are incarcerated in state prisons, while approximately 600,000 people reside in local jails in the United States. Jail stays are generally shorter, tend to be a pretrial population, and are more likely to consist of time served for misdemeanors. Prisons stays, on the other hand, are longer, for sentenced individuals, and generally sentences that involve more serious crimes. In terms of jurisdiction, jails mostly are managed under local governing bodies, while prisons are managed at the state or federal level. Within federal prisons, run by the federal Bureau of Prisons or utilizing private prisons in some places, approximately 200,000 people are currently incarcerated. Drug offense charges comprise 14.8% of sentences at a state level and 47.3% at a federal level [ ]. With more states interested in implementing diversion for low-level offenses like drug possession, these statistics will hopefully change, but again, in the scope of the ongoing “War on Drugs” and the opioid epidemic, there is a real concern that this could continue to worsen.
Prisoners are the only group of people in the United States who have a constitutional right to healthcare. The federal case Estelle v Gamble (1976) determined that prisoners should be guaranteed three basic rights: the right to access to care, the right to care that is ordered, and the right to a professional medical judgment. Any lack of these rights for prisoners constituted a violation of the 8th Amendment, “cruel and unusual punishment” [ ]. Despite a federal ruling, many prisoners still have incomprehensibly poor access to healthcare, and the variability in quality of care is wide.
As other chapters in this book will delve into the details of bloodborne illnesses in the setting of opioid use disorder, we will focus specifically on the criminal justice setting.
It is well known that bloodborne illnesses such as HIV/AIDS, HCV, and tuberculosis are more prevalent in criminal justice settings. In terms of prevalence, in 2006, the rate of hepatitis C was 8.7 times higher among those who were incarcerated than the general population (17.4% compared with 2.0%) [ ]. The incidence of HIV and HCV acquisition is also significantly affected by incarceration. Recent incarceration, when compared with nonincarceration, increases the risk of acquiring HIV by an estimated 81% and increases the risk of acquiring HCV by an estimated 62% [ ]. These staggering statistics are important to highlight: individuals leaving correctional facilities are at a tremendous risk of contracting HIV and HCV after release, most commonly through IVDU and sexual exposure.
In addition to bloodborne illnesses being more prevalent in criminal justice settings, people living with HIV/AIDS and HCV are more likely to be incarcerated. In 1997, a study on the infectious disease (ID) burden within United States correctional facilities estimated between 20% and 26% of people with HIV/AIDS passed through prisons and jails, and between 29% and 32% of people with HCV [ ]. Despite a large ID burden, treatment of bloodborne illnesses in correctional facilities is not standardized.
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