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Caregivers play a key role in supporting both individuals living with serious illness and those at the end of life. People are living longer with serious illness and multiple chronic illnesses: of every 10 deaths worldwide and in the United States, 7 occur at the end of chronic illness. In the setting of prolonged serious illness, physical and functional abilities often dwindle, and there is increased need for caregivers to provide assistance with activities of daily living. Functional limitations increase with poorer health and advanced age, and it is estimated that more than half of older adults will require assistance with daily activities for at least some point in time, with 13.9% of older adults requiring long-term assistance.
These care needs often increase dramatically as the end of life approaches. Evidence from a nationally representative study of older adults found that while 28% had disability in at least one activity of daily living 2 years before death, nearly 60% had disability in the last month of life. Among Medicare beneficiaries, it has been observed that older adults at the end of life require twice as much care as older adults who are not at the end of life, often necessitating additional assistance of paid caregiving support.
The systems of care that are in place to meet the care needs of those with functional limitations are known as long-term services and supports (LTSS). A growing societal trend toward delivering more illness-related care in the home, driven by both individual and family preferences and reimbursement policies, has led to a growth in community- and home-based LTSS. With the aging of the U.S. population, it is estimated that the number of individuals requiring LTSS is expected to increase to 27 million by the year 2050. Options for LTSS support through Medicaid and other assistance programs such as unemployment and leave benefits may vary greatly based on where someone lives and what additional resources are available. As a result, family caregivers often take on responsibility for complex caregiving and are increasingly being conceptualized as core members of the LTSS team.
In fact, the majority of care provided to those with serious illness and at the end of life is from family caregivers. The Family Caregiver Alliance defines family caregivers as “any relative, partner, friend or neighbor who has a significant relationship with, and provides a broad range of assistance for, an older person or an adult with a chronic or disabling condition.” Family caregivers are also referred to as informal caregivers or unpaid caregivers. For purposes of clarity, this chapter uses the term family caregiver . In 2011, results from a nationally representative sample found nearly 9 in 10 of the 2.3 million caregivers supporting the nearly 1 million older adults at the end of life were family caregivers. As of 2019, it is estimated that 1 in 5, or 53 million, adults in the United States are caregivers, with 6 in 10 caring for an individual with chronic illness or disability.
While it is commonly assumed that family caregivers are able, willing, and available to provide care for seriously ill people at home, this is not always the case. Although societal and cultural norms may influence the acceptance of the caregiving role among family members, demographic shifts in migration across state and national borders, lower rates of childbirth and marriage, and more females in the workforce reduce the availability and accessibility of the family caregiving network. Importantly, many individuals, particularly those with advanced age who outlive their family, may experience “kinlessness” at the end of life; this is a worldwide phenomenon.
While a single primary family caregiver often takes on an outsized role providing caregiving support for an individual with serious illness or at the end of life, caregiving can also be a shared responsibility impacting family systems. According to the National Alliance for Caregiving and the American Association of Retired Persons (AARP), while 6 in 10 caregivers report being the primary caregiver, about 53% also report receiving assistance in caregiving from other informal caregivers. On average, individuals at the end of life identify 2.5 caregivers who help with functional needs.
Currently, 50% of family caregivers are providing care to a parent or parent-in-law, 12% to a spouse or partner, 8% to a grandparent or grandparent-in-law, 6% to a child, and 10% to a friend or neighbor. These caregivers take on a wide variety of tasks, including activities of daily living such as dressing, bathing, and incontinence care, as well as instrumental activities of daily living such as shopping, meal preparation, and financial management. Caregivers may also help manage medical conditions (e.g., give injectable medications, monitor symptoms), coordinate medical care, and make medical decisions. In addition, caregivers often serve important roles in the provision of advocacy, emotional, and financial support. Not surprisingly, the care that is provided directly impacts those who receive care. Negative family caregiver experiences have been associated with a wide variety of outcomes for care recipients including increased preventable hospitalizations, increased health expenditures, nursing home placement, and emotional distress at the end of life.
While not the focus of this chapter, it is important to note that in addition to family caregivers, individuals with serious illness or at the end of life may also rely on paid caregivers in order to remain living at home. Paid caregivers include home health aides, personal care attendants, and other direct care workers, and currently over 3.4 million paid caregivers provide support to those living at home. While paid care is often focused on the completion of functional tasks such as bathing and shopping, evidence suggests paid caregivers also play an important role in assisting with health-related tasks and attending to the social-emotional health of those for whom they care. While data are limited, paid caregivers on the hospice team and those providing care at the end of life may form close bonds with patients and family caregivers in the course of providing care. In addition, many publicly funded programs that support delivery of hands-on care in the home allow care recipients and their families to hire and supervise their own paid caregivers. Known as consumer-directed care, this option may allow family caregivers to be “hired” by the family members they care for and therefore be compensated for care provided.
This chapter addresses current research that examines the impact of providing care for those with serious illness and at the end of life across multiple domains. It then discusses the importance of assessing the caregiving experience. Finally, the chapter summarizes some key points for patients, families, and providers.
Many family members readily assume caregiving roles as an extension of a caring relationship, but the significant physical, psychosocial, and financial burdens of caregiving for people with serious illness cannot be overstated. In fact, caregivers are often referred to as “hidden patients” because they suffer from challenges that are associated with the caregiving role. The sections that follow highlight key ways the caregiving experience may impact those who provide care.
Caregiving for people with serious illness has potentially profound effects on the physical health, mental health, and health care utilization of family caregivers. Caregivers at greatest risk for poorer health are female, minority, and lower educated, as well as those who are the primary providers of care, are engaged in high-intensity care, or reside with the care recipients. Additionally, caregivers who report caring for a spouse or partner or a nonparent relative also reported declines in self-rated health.
Caregivers often sustain musculoskeletal injuries in the process of providing assistance with tasks such as transfers, repositioning, and personal care, particularly for care recipients with higher-intensity caregiving needs. Furthermore, the cumulative effects of caregiving on physical health have been documented in studies that have demonstrated that higher-intensity caregiving is associated with greater risk for accelerated aging, cardiovascular disease, and greater mortality from all causes.
Caregiving strain contributes to chronic stress, which has a pervasive impact on caregivers’ mental health and quality of life. Burdened caregivers report higher levels of depression and fatigue. Caregiving burden and depression are worse among caregivers of patients with higher symptom burden and functional impairments. Caregivers may also be at risk for unhealthy behaviors—a cross-sectional study of caregivers across five developed countries observed that caregivers have a higher rate of excessive alcohol consumption compared with the general population.
Given the documented negative health effects of caregiving and associated lack of self-care, it is not surprising that caregiving is also associated with changes in health care utilization and health care spending among the caregivers themselves. In general, most caregivers increase their own health care utilization once caregiving ends and they can better attend to their own health needs. Similarly, the bereavement literature suggests that there is a spike in the use of services by family members following the death of a loved one. In the United Kingdom, Shah et al. documented reduced management of cardiovascular disease before death and increased risk of cardiovascular events after death. In the United States, bereavement is associated with increased health care spending for females regardless of their caregiving status, the cause of death, or length of terminal illness. Moreover, the caregiver’s caregiving experience may itself impact health care utilization. High–intensity treatment including hospitalizations at the end of life may have negative consequences for caregivers, including increased health care utilization and spending.
Caregiving has been conceptualized as a series of shifting configurations within relationships and a process that restructures lives. Caregiving tasks and resources may be shared among multiple members within a family caregiving network, which may be influenced by culture, socioeconomic contexts, caregiving need, and caregiver availability. As a result, it is important to consider the roles and relationships among caregivers within this complex network. This can help to understand both potential challenges related to caregiving (e.g., among married couples, it is common for spouses to be the only caregiver, which places spouses at higher risk for negative effects of caregiving) and ways that family members may buffer the negative effects of caregiving (e.g., through sharing of caregiving burden and provision of emotional support).
Family caregiving impacts the entire family unit. The ability of family units to maintain cohesion, adapt, and adjust to the changing needs, stresses, and roles of caregiving may negatively impact caregiver coping. Furthermore, the intense energy that is required to cope with the physical, psychological, social, and spiritual aspects of a loved one’s illness also generates stress and fatigue that can cause conflict within families and with providers.
Social identity refers to one’s pattern of interactions with others and the various social roles that one adopts (i.e., familial, occupational, societal, etc.). Becoming a caregiver may change the caregiver’s social identity and the preexisting relationship with a care recipient. As dependency increases, care needs, issues, and concerns become the central focus, replacing a focus on activities, plans, and shared mutual experiences. The need to provide intimate, personal care for a spouse or parent (e.g., help with bathing or toileting) can be especially challenging. In addition, the tasks of caregiving may be socially isolating, and some caregivers may have inadequate access to social support, which can serve as a buffer for emotional distress and strain among caregivers.
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