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The 12-step model to the treatment of addiction is the most popular therapeutic model in the United States, and most adherents of the 12-step approach consider spiritual growth singular with recovery. This chapter offers a critical review and discussion of spirituality and religiousness as it has been investigated in the empirical literature on addiction. Curiously, although the 12-step model has been reported to produce outcomes relatively equivalent to more research-based therapies, for example, cognitive behavioral and motivational enhancement therapies, and actually a superior outcome when the treatment goal is total abstinence, the underlying stated mechanism of this approach, spirituality, has only begun to be systematically investigated using rigorous methodologies including randomized clinical trials. It is important to acknowledge that non–12-step spiritual and religious approaches also intended to mobilize and sustain addictive behavior change have proliferated in the United States, regardless of the presence or absence of empirical support. A cursory Internet search using “alcoholism” and “spirituality” as key words, for example, yielded 944,000 hits. It seems that the absence of empirical support for the efficacy of spirituality in reducing substance abuse has hardly impeded its application. Furthermore, referral to Alcoholics Anonymous during and after treatment is the norm in the United States, also regardless of the therapeutic orientation of the treatment provider. In this light, the practical issue is not if treatment-seeking alcoholics ought to be introduced to spiritual models of recovery. Rather, it is vital that researchers and clinicians have a working knowledge of spiritual approaches to addiction in order to better understand the psychological and social forces and resources facing prospective clients.
This chapter is organized into three sections. Historical reticence to investigate spirituality and religiosity by addiction researchers stems, in part, from the constructs poorly understood dimensions. The first section of this chapter therefore offers several working definitions of religiosity and spirituality. These definitions are intimately tied to distinct conceptual models pertaining to the role of spirituality in addiction. These models will be presented and discussed, and some attention will then be given to four psychometrically validated measures that are available to clinicians and researchers. The second section of the chapter advances the orientation that spirituality can be viewed as an outcome, a catalyst or intervention, a moderator, and as a mediational variable; in fact, the construct has been treated in each of these capacities in the empirical literature. A keen awareness of these distinctions is paramount to grasping the implications and avoiding the many pitfalls surrounding the study of alcoholism and spirituality. Third, this chapter focuses on what is currently known about Alcoholics Anonymous-related benefit, the largest and most studied of spiritual interventions. Here, special attention will be given to what is known about the importance of prescribed Alcoholics Anonymous spiritual practices in accounting for reduced drinking. The chapter will conclude with a brief summary.
Several caveats need to be voiced at the beginning of this chapter . First, the accelerating nature of empirical research in this area necessarily will result in a somewhat incomplete review. Studies now underway may offer findings that elaborate upon, clarify, or even contradict positions and interpretations offered in this chapter. Related, studies reviewed in this chapter were purposefully selected according to their scientific rigor, not because of the claims and interpretations made by study investigators. In essence, cross-sectional studies purporting to investigate causal temporal relationships were rarely selected for review. Third, it is important to stress the plasticity of spiritual and religious practices and beliefs. An individual rarely is “spiritual” in all situations with all people; nor does evidence indicate that the nature and expression of spirituality remains fixed over time. Although this plasticity is obvious and volumes have been written about it, there is a tendency nevertheless to reify spirituality as a trait construct. It is wise to remember that even prophets question, at one time or another, the depth and value of their spiritual and religious beliefs. It is also instructive to remember throughout this chapter that the measurement of this fluid and evolving construct occurred, in general, in research settings. The extent that this context influenced that measurement of spiritual beliefs and practices is unclear but certainly raises concern. Related, the very subjective nature of spiritual and religious beliefs and practices and experiences requires, at this juncture in time and technology, self-report. Legions of studies have investigated the unintended and undetected biases that arise in relation to self-report on subjective states. Beyond the scope of this chapter, we recommend that readers consult one of several excellent discussions on the reliability and validity of self-report in the areas of spirituality and religiosity.
Now the whole earth had one language and a common speech…let us go down and confuse their language so they will not understand each other…That is why it was called Babel—because there the Lord confused the language of the whole world. Genesis 11
The struggle of defining spirituality and religiosity makes it clear how far we have come from a universally understood language. Researchers and practitioners posit opinions on how to define these constructs; the diversity in meanings clearly echoes the confusion, disagreement, and lack of productivity described in the book of Genesis. Zinnbauer and Pargament have aptly called these terms the “definitional tower of Babel.” As Zinnbauer and Pargament wrote regarding those in the field who study spirituality and religion, “[We] can agree on one thing: we have never agreed about anything” (p. 4). There is little disagreement that spirituality and religion are constructs deserving of research and clinical attention, but because an important first step in researching a construct is how to operationalize and measure the construct, we begin in a tumultuous place.
Definitions of religion, and particularly spirituality, have changed and evolved over the years. Once representing a single construct, these constructs are now distinct and some would say even incompatible. Spirituality is increasingly defined in contrast to religion rather than as interchangeable terms. The definitions are marked by explicit and implicit philosophical and theological underpinnings and thus remain vulnerable to claims that the definitions are either too broad or too narrow. Koenig described religion as an expression that is institutional, formal, outward, doctrinal, authoritarian, and inhibiting, and spirituality as an expression that is individual, subjective, emotional, inward, unsystematic, and freeing. Pargament reported that religion is moving “from a broadband construct—one that includes both the institutional and the individual, and the good and the bad—to a narrowband institutional construct that restricts and inhibits human potential” (p. 3). Apparent in the polarization of these two constructs is an underlying message that is an exaltation of spirituality and a condemnation of religion.
It is common for scholars to begin manuscripts with caveats of the difficulty in defining these terms, discuss the divergent definitions, and then provide an entirely new definition altogether. Other researchers approach the complexity by simply avoiding a definition, instead asking questions such as “do you consider yourself spiritual?” or “how important is religion in your life?” Although results from questions such as these contribute to our understanding of the perceived importance of religiosity and spirituality and other variables, this approach is limited in terms of not furthering our understanding of how these terms are uniquely understood and defined by participants.
It is evident that defining these constructs is difficult; however, research evidence supports the usefulness of this pursuit because of the clear connection between spirituality and religion and mental health. In a recent review of longitudinal studies, increased spirituality and religion seem to consistently promote a longer, happier life. For individuals with mental or physical health problems, spirituality and religion enhance pain management, improve surgical outcomes, protect against depression, provide coping resources, and reduce the risk of suicide. Although religion and spirituality are relevant to many problems dealt with by practitioners and there is a consistent link between spirituality/religiousness and physical and psychological well-being, in few areas of mental health are these issues as central as addictive behaviors.
In some sense, addiction represents the antithesis of spirituality. For example, one of the four noble truths of Buddhism is “Suffering is caused by attachment,” and a central focus for followers of this tradition is to relinquish craving and clinging to things. Yet the centrality of attachment is readily apparent in the diagnosis of substance use disorders—part of the criteria for a substance use diagnosis is that a great deal of time is spent in activities necessary to obtain the substance. May describes the spiritual nature of addiction as “a deep-seated form of idolatry. The objects of our addictions become our false gods. These are what we worship, what we attend to, where we give our time and energy.” Attachment to a substance is a futile attempt to impose direction in one’s life, a direction that displaces one’s prior values, meaning structures, and goals. Instead, individuals become concerned with purposeful action toward their next drink or their next high. In Tillich’s terminology, the substance becomes the individual’s ultimate concern.
Spirituality is also central to the most influential model of recovery in the United States. The recovery program of Alcoholics Anonymous views addiction as a fundamentally spiritual problem and has promoted spirituality and religion as a central factor to recovery since 1935. In the words of Bill W., the co-founder of Alcoholics Anonymous, individuals with substance abuse problems “have been not only mentally and physically ill, [they] have been spiritually sick” (p. 34). The program of recovery is therefore based upon a model of prescribed spiritual practices.
In addition to the spiritual program of Alcoholics Anonymous and other 12-step programs, the literature is also quite clear that religious involvement is predictive of lower current and future rates of problem drinking. For instance, more than 80% of the nearly 100 studies on alcohol and religion reviewed by Koenig et al. reported a negative association between religiosity and problems with alcohol. It seems that individuals who are more active in a religion and for whom faith occupies a central place in their lives are less likely to develop dependence on a drug. Similarly, individuals entering treatment for alcohol/drug problems tend to have very low religious involvement and are often quite alienated from organized religion.
In a review of the literature on spirituality and addiction, Cook examined 265 publications in order to identify the definition of spirituality by different authors. Cook found that only 12% of the papers explicitly defined the term “spirituality,” 32% offered a description of the concept of spirituality, 12% defined a related concept (such as “the spiritually healthy person”), and in 44% of the papers the term “spirituality” was left undefined. Breaking the conceptual content of the definitions into component parts, Cook classified the content of the various definitions into 13 conceptual components. Cook found that the four components that were encountered most frequently and were most central to the definition of spirituality were transcendence, relatedness, core/force/soul, and meaning/purpose. On the basis of these components, Cook proposed the following definition:
Spirituality is a distinctive, potentially creative and universal dimension of human experience arising both within the inner subjective awareness of individuals and within communities, social groups, and traditions. It may be experienced as relationship with that which is intimately “inner,” immanent and personal, within the self and others, and/or as relationship with that which is wholly “other,” transcendent and beyond the self. It is experienced as being of fundamental or ultimate importance and is thus concerned with matters of meaning and purpose in life, truth and values (pp. 548–549).
One particular conundrum, evident in Cook’s definition and many other definitions of spirituality, is that scholars have begun to include aspects of mental health within the definition. If terms such as well-being and connectedness with others are considered part of the definition of spirituality, there is an inherent measurement problem when examining spirituality and religiousness in relation to positive mental health functioning. As Koenig stated, “Defining spirituality in this way assures that those who are ‘spiritual’ will be mentally healthy, and excludes those who are mentally ill from this desirable classification” (p. 351). In addition to this classification problem, there is also a concern in terms of measurement of treatment outcome. If a client shows improvement in mental health, we encounter the dilemma of whether this improvement is due to an increase in spirituality or religion or whether we are simply measuring improvement in quality of life.
Koenig’s concern is particularly relevant to how researchers understand addiction. Addiction involves a setting apart from oneself, others, and the world—a direct opposition to spirituality’s emphasis of oneness with all of humanity. There is therefore a clear confound as individuals with substance use problems begin to succeed in recovery—they begin to reconnect with humanity and realign their values and goals. The use of substances offers a way to “avoid being present to oneself” (p. 44). It is common for individuals with substance use problems to report that they feel disconnected from others, and as attachment to the substance increases there is a tendency to isolate from important relationships. In Alcoholics Anonymous, a common term is “terminal uniqueness,” describing a feeling of the alcoholic who feels an extreme uniqueness and alienation from his or her peers. Conversely, during recovery from substances, there is a tendency for individuals to attach to a Higher Power and reaffirm important relationships.
Readers interested in further exploring the definitions and distinctions of spirituality/religiousness are encouraged to access Geppert et al. These authors have compiled a priceless annotated bibliography of 1353 scholarly papers on spirituality/religiousness and addictions that are divided into 10 categories, ranging from the measurement of spirituality with attitudes about spirituality and substance use.
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